Friday, June 26, 2026

Jerusalem was also known in antiquity as Girsu (Jirsu)

 



by

Damien F. Mackey

 

At some point in time – was it late, during the Seleucid era? – certain major Judean cities became associated with, even absorbed into, central and southern Mesopotamia.

 

I am referring in particular to Lagash (var. Lakish), Eshnunna and Girsu.

 

The focus for the ‘history’ of this period of time, whoever was writing it, appears to have been Lagash, rather than the Girsu that was regarded, nonetheless, as being the very spiritual centre.  

 

But a host of place names ostensibly belonging to central and southern Mesopotamia do not appear actually to belong there. In fact, some of them – e.g. Lagash and Girsu – seem to “fall permanently off the political map”, according to Seth Richardson, as quoted in my article:

 

A new location proposed for Sumer

 

(3) A new location proposed for Sumer

 

According to this article, Sumer may be the Sumur(a) near the Mediterranean coast.

 

And I as well, some time ago now, shifted Akkad well away from Mesopotamia, and also to the Mediterranean coast, identifying it there as the famous port city of Ugarit (Egyptian IKAT). See e.g. my article:

 

My road to Akkad

 

(3) My road to Akkad

 

Lagash/Lakish was now to be re-identified as Judah’s strong fort of Lachish, second only to Jerusalem itself. But it was not to be separated from Eshnunna/Ashnunna, which, with the changing of only one consonant, becomes Ashduddu, the Assyrian name for Ashdod (“the strong”) and another name for Lachish (not to be confused with the Philistine Ashdod, Assyrian Ashdudimmu: “Ashdod-by-the-Sea”):

 

As Ashduddu (Ashdod) is to Lachish, so, likewise, is Eshnunna to Lagash

 

(3) As Ashduddu (Ashdod) is to Lachish, so, likewise, is Eshnunna to Lagash

 

If all this is correct, then Girsu (conventionally thought to be modern Tello in S. Iraq), the spiritual centre for Lagash/Eshnunna, must inevitably be Jerusalem itself:

 

Goodbye, not hello, to Girsu at Tello

 

(4) Goodbye, not hello, to Girsu at Tello

 

All of this is, of course, far distantly removed from central and southern Mesopotamia!

 

Most interestingly, a variant of Girsu is, apparently, Jirsu, in which the name of Jerus-alim is clearly visible: Girsu - Wikipedia

“Because of the initial velar nasal ŋ, the transcription of Ĝirsu is sometimes spelled as Ngirsu (also: G̃irsuGirsuJirsu)”.

 

Note Ningirsu, the lord of Girsu, then simply becomes Yahweh, the Lord of Jerusalem:

 

Yahweh, Solomon, Jerusalem - Ningirsu, Gudea and Girsu

 

(4) Yahweh, Solomon, Jerusalem - Ningirsu, Gudea and Girsu

 

A History Rise article rightly refers to Girsu as “the Sacred Heart of Lagash”:

The Archaeological Site of Girsu: the Sacred Heart of Lagash | History Rise

 

The Archaeological Site of Girsu: the Sacred Heart of Lagash

 

March 16, 2026 by History Rise

….

 

The archaeological site of Girsu, located in modern-day Iraq [sic], is one of the most significant remnants of ancient Sumerian [sic] civilization. It served as a religious and administrative center for the city-state of Lagash, which flourished around 2500 BCE [sic]. Girsu’s ruins offer invaluable insights into early urban development and religious practices in Mesopotamia [sic].

 

The Historical Significance of Girsu

 

Girsu was more than just a city; it was considered the spiritual heart of Lagash. The city was home to many temples dedicated to deities like Ningirsu, the warrior god and protector of Lagash. The prominence of Ningirsu’s temple highlights the importance of religion in governance and daily life in ancient Sumer.

 

Major Archaeological Discoveries

 

Excavations at Girsu have uncovered impressive artifacts, including statues, clay tablets, and the remains of monumental architecture. One of the most notable finds is the Stele of the Vultures, which depicts the victory of Lagash over its rival Umma. This artifact provides evidence of the political and military history of the region.

 

Temples and Religious Structures

 

The most famous structure at Girsu is the E-ninnu temple, dedicated to Ningirsu. Its ruins [sic] reveal complex construction techniques and religious symbolism. The temple complex was a center for rituals, offerings, and festivals that reinforced the divine authority of the ruling class.

 

The Role of Girsu in Sumerian Culture

 

Girsu played a vital role in shaping Sumerian culture through its religious, political, and artistic achievements. The city’s artifacts and inscriptions have helped historians understand the development of early writing, governance, and religious beliefs in Mesopotamia.

 

Preservation and Modern Significance

 

Today, Girsu is a UNESCO World Heritage site, recognized for its historical importance. Ongoing excavations continue to uncover new artifacts, shedding light on the ancient civilization that once thrived there. The site remains a symbol of humanity’s early achievements in urban planning and religious life.

[End of quote]

 

My advice: Say goodbye to the site of Tello and focus, instead, upon ancient Jerusalem, the real spiritual centre for the fort of Lakish (Lagash), i.e. Lachish (Ashdod).

 

 

Just a note on the Stele of the Vultures:

Stele of the Vultures - Ancient World Magazine

 

Currently on display at the Louvre Museum, the Stele of the Vultures originates from Tello (ancient Girsu) in Iraq and dates to the Early Dynastic III period, or roughly between 2600 and 2350 BC. The stele was erected to celebrate the victory of the Sumerian city-state of Lagash, ruled by Eanatum, over its rival Umma. While only fragments have survived, it originally must have been approximately 180 cm tall, 130 cm wide, and 11 cm thick. It was carved out of a single limestone slab.

 

There are different scenes on either side. The scenes on one side have been interpreted as historical or terrestrial, while the other side is thought to be mythological or divine. Both are connected to Eanatum, but only the historical side need interest us here, because it affords some interesting information with regards to the history of warfare. “Warfare”, in this context, refers to organized violence, and in particular the form of warfare practiced by Sumerian city-states.

 

The historical side of the stele is divided into four registers or panels, which we must presumably read from top to bottom. The top of the first panel depicts a large flock of vultures flying through the air while carrying severed heads and arms of the defeated soldiers of Umma in their beaks. Immediately below we see Sumerian soldiers from Lagash marching in formation, trampling the bodies of their fallen foes, emphasizing that this scene takes place immediately following the defeat of their opponent in battle.

 

The soldiers march as a single unit, with the front rank defended by large, rectangular shields; spears poke out from between the shields. They are led by none other than King Eanatum himself. To the right of the advancing army, soldiers of Umma, shown in much smaller size, tumble or flee.

 

The second panel from the top depicts more soldiers marching, this time apparently without shields, and with their spears held aslant against their shoulders in one hand, and axes held up in the other. They follow a war-cart pulled by donkeys or onagers, driven by a figure holding a long spear overhead: this is again supposed to be Eanatum. The right portion of this panel is lost, but must have shown the enemy fighting or, perhaps more likely, fleeing. It’s not clear if the army here is supposed to be the same as the army depicted in the second panel.

 

The third panel, and the last that is more or less decently preserved, shows part of a seated figure, a naked priest performing a libation ritual, and a pile of corpses flanked by figures carrying baskets on their heads. The baskets probably contained earth, used to bury the pile of corpses.

 

Presumably the corpses consist of the fallen of Umma, but they may have included the bodies of dead soldiers from Lagash, too. A cow is tied to a post near the seated figure’s feet: no doubt the animal was to serve as a sacrifice. The seated figure is undoubtedly again Eanatum, keeping a watchful eye on the proceedings here.

 

It’s the panel with the soldiers marching in formation that has drawn the most interest from students of ancient warfare. The formation used by the soldiers of Lagash has drawn comparisons with later Graeco-Roman formations, most notably the Macedonian phalanx. But the peoples of the ancient Near East were apparently the first to deploy troops in formation. Aside from the Vulture stele, there are other pieces of evidence, including wooden models of soldiers marching in block formations from ancient Egypt.

[End of quote]

 

It behoves me now to fit this epic into a Judean context (Jerusalem, Lachish).

 

At the beginning of this article I had wondered if the geographical weirdness may have arisen “late, during the Seleucid era?” In this regard, it is interesting that a document supposedly as ancient as is the Stele of the Vultures (c. 2450 BC) should exhibit soldiers ostensibly employing “the Macedonian phalanx”.

 

The item has been seriously mis-dated.

I believe that this is a late recollection of King Hezekiah of Judah (Jerusalem/Lachish), as Eannatum of Lagash – Hezekiah victorious over Assyria, and also as Urukagina – Hezekiah during the siege of Jerusalem:

 

Hezekiah withstands Assyria - Lumma withstands Umma

 

(5) Hezekiah withstands Assyria - Lumma withstands Umma

 

Lumma, here, may well be a reference to King Hezekiah as Lemuel:

 

“Lemuel” of Proverbs could be Hezekiah rather than Solomon

 

(5) "Lemuel" of Proverbs could be Hezekiah rather than Solomon by

 

Hezekiah was Urukagina of Lagash and Girsu:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Urukagina

“Uru-ka-gina, Uru-inim-gina, or Iri-ka-gina was King of the city-states of Lagash and Girsu …”.

 

Monday, June 22, 2026

Judith - turning an Assyrian Crown Prince into a Prize Clown

 



 

by

 

Damien F. Mackey

 

 

 

“Judith had nothing but contempt and irony in her heart when she had,

with all customary protocol, greeted Holofernes, who was assembled

with his impressive entourage (Judith 10:23)”.

 

 

Ben Dewar has written in the Abstract to his article:

Rebellion, Sargon II’s “Punishment” and the Death of Aššu...

 

Rebellion, Sargon II’s “Punishment” and the Death of Aššur-nādin-šumi in the Inscriptions of Sennacherib

 

  • Ben Dewar EMAIL logo

 

Abstract

 

Despite the frequency of rebellions against the Neo-Assyrian king Sennacherib, very few events in his annals are described as such. Instead rebels are often described as having never submitted to Sennacherib before. This reluctance to write about rebellion is unusual in Assyrian inscriptions, but has not been commented upon in the previous scholarship. This study investigates the reasons for this peculiarity of Sennacherib’s inscriptions. It is argued that the description of rebels in this fashion was intended to draw attention away from the connection between these events and the death of Sennacherib’s father, Sargon II. A second instance of a death in Sennacherib’s family affecting the content of his inscriptions is also identified. His son Aššur-nādin-šumi’s death followed a pair of campaigns to the borders of Tabal, the location of Sargon’s death. Because of this it was viewed as a “punishment” for undertaking these campaigns to regions tainted by association with Sargon. After his death, Aššur-nādin-šumi is never mentioned in the same inscription as these campaigns. Although Sennacherib generally avoids mentioning rebellion, overcoming such events was an important facet of Assyrian royal ideology. Because of this, events in some ideologically or historically significant regions are explicitly stated to be rebellions in the annals. Sennacherib’s inscriptions therefore demonstrate, perhaps better than those of any other Assyrian king, the two sides of rebellion’s ideological importance as both an obstacle overcome by a heroic king, and as a punishment for a poor one. His attempts to obscure some occurrences of rebellion demonstrate a fear of the more negative ideological aspect of rebellion which is not usually present in the inscriptions of other kings. This provides new insight into the factors which influenced the composition of Sennacherib’s inscriptions.

 

Let us unpack this short piece in a revised context.

 

With Sennacherib qua Sennacherib, we get only a portion of his overall story.

For Sennacherib was also, according to my reconstructions, Tukulti Ninurta; Shamsi-Adad II/V; and Sargon II. See e.g. my articles:

 

Tukulti-Ninurta I and Sargon II-Sennacherib

 

(7) Tukulti-Ninurta I and Sargon II-Sennacherib

 

Assyria’s second Shamsi-Adad was Sennacherib all over again

 

(7) Assyria’s second Shamsi-Adad was Sennacherib all over again

 

Assyrian King Sargon II, Otherwise Known As Sennacherib

 

(7) Assyrian King Sargon II, Otherwise Known As Sennacherib

 

So the “very few events” in Ben Dewar’s opening statement: “Despite the frequency of rebellions against the Neo-Assyrian king Sennacherib, very few events in his annals are described as such”, might be less “few” in actuality. 

 

Now, in my context, Ben Dewar’s qualifying statement:

 

“It is argued that the description of rebels in this fashion was intended to draw attention away from the connection between these events and the death of Sennacherib’s father, Sargon II” - with Sennacherib identified by me as Sargon II - is hopelessly wide of the mark.

 

The Assyrian text upon which everything hangs was doctored by Winckler and Delitzsch to incorporate the name “Sargon”, which does not actually appear there.

Thus I wrote in my (2007) university thesis (Volume One, p. 137):

 

Another seemingly compelling evidence in favour of the conventional chronology, but one that has required heavy restoration work by the Assyriologists, is in regard to Sennacherib’s supposed accession. According to the usual interpretation of the eponym for Nashur(a)-bel, (705 BC, conventional dating), known as Eponym Cb6, Sargon was killed and Sennacherib then sat on the throne:[1]

 

The king [against Tabal....] against Ešpai the Kulummaean. [......] The king was killed. The camp of the king of Assyria [was taken......]. On the 12th of Abu, Sennacherib, son [of Sargon, took his seat on the throne].

 

Tadmor informs us about this passage that: “Winckler and Delitzsch restored: [MU 16 Šarru-ki]n; ana Ta-ba-lu [illik]”. That is, these scholars took the liberty of adding Sargon’s name.

 

Jonsson, who note has included Sargon’s name in his version of the text, gives it more heavily bracketted than had Tadmor:[2] “[Year 17] Sargon [went] against Tabal [was killed in the war. On the 12th of Abu, Sennacherib, son of Sargon, sat on the throne]”.

 

This document will become hugely significant in the context of this thesis. ….

 

The land of Tabal appears to have become the location of the death of both Sargon II – which it wasn’t – and of Sennacherib’s (that is Sargon II’s) ill-fated Crown Prince son, Ashur-nadin-shumi.

 

Now, the latter was the “Holofernes” of the Book of Judith and also the wretched Nadin (Nadab) of the Book of Tobit:

 

“Nadin” (Nadab) of Tobit is the “Holofernes” of Judith

 

(7) "Nadin" (Nadab) of Tobit is the "Holofernes" of Judith

 

But did he meet his fate at Tabal, which is apparently in SE Anatolia?

 

No, “Holofernes” (Ashur-nadin-shumi) met his fate outside “Bethulia”, which is Shechem in the southern Levant:

 

Judith’s City of ‘Bethulia’

 

(7) Judith’s City of 'Bethulia'

 

It seems that there was also a Tabal in this approximate region:

Tabal (region) - Wikipedia

“The name Tabal appears to have been a widely used one, since a location sharing this name is recorded from southern Syria, and the toponym Dabal or Tabal is recorded during the period of the Akkadian Empire …”.

 

Indeed, “Holofernes” had just marched his army down from the Damascus region (Judith 2:27).

 

One possible identification for the southern Tabal may be Jibleam (Ibleam), as the Belamon/Belameh/Belmain of Judith 4:4 is thought probably to be.

For the name Tabal (Tubal) may well be derived from Ibleam:

Ibleam | The amazing name Ibleam: meaning and etymology

“… JabalJubalJubileeObilTubal …”. 

 

I recently wrote in my article:

 

Judith of Bethulia and Joan of Arc

 

Judith of Bethulia and Joan of Arc - Search

 

…. In the Book of Judith, all the deference and respect shown by the heroine towards a royal person is entirely faked, part of Judith’s ruse, because it is directed towards the enemy leader, Holofernes. He, somewhat like the Dauphin, was second to the Great King (of Assyria), hence not crowned. Judith in fact has nothing but contempt for Holofernes and the Assyrians (somewhat like Joan’s attitude towards the English).

 

But she will tell Holofernes, very much in Joan of Arc fashion - but with complete irony in Judith’s case - that, after his victory (Judith 11:19): ‘… I will lead you through Judea, until you come to Jerusalem; there I will set your throne. You will drive them like sheep that have no shepherd, and no dog will so much as growl at you’.

 

Judith claimed before Holofernes to be a messenger from God who was now supposedly favouring the Assyrians (v. 19): ‘For this was told me to give me foreknowledge; it was announced to me and I was sent to tell you’.

 

In Joan’s case, the ruse was on the part of the Dauphin, not her. “To test her, the king had disguised himself, but she at once saluted him without hesitation amidst a group of attendants” (New Advent). Her opening words to him were direct and to the point just like Judith’s had been to Holofernes (Spoto, p. 48): ‘My most eminent lord Dauphin, I have come, sent by God, to bring help to you and to the kingdom’.

 

Donald Spoto adds: “It was as direct and unadorned a summary as the Dauphin – and anyone else before or since – could ask.

 

Help for him and for France: that was her message and her vocation”. But her reverence for the Dauphin was completely honest.

 

Judith, on the other hand, had nothing but contempt and irony in her heart when she had similarly, with all customary protocol, greeted Holofernes, who was – just like the Dauphin – assembled with his impressive entourage (Judith 10:23): “When Judith came into the presence of Holofernes and his servants, they all marvelled at the beauty of her face. She prostrated herself and did obeisance to him, but his slaves raised her up”.

 

The pressure upon the young woman at this time must have been enormous.

 

Donald Spoto says of Joan that (ibid., p. 49): “Charles was fascinated by the seventeen-year old girl who stood calmly and confidently before him … after a brief but apparently intense private conversation, he seemed to one member of his court to be “radiant””.

 

Certainly ‘fascination’ is one word that could also be used to describe Holofernes’ impression of the young Judith, though the biblical text uses “passion”, as well as “greatly pleased with her”, and it has “[being] merry” rather than being “radiant” (Judith 12:16-17, 20):

 

Holofernes’ heart was ravished with her and his passion was aroused, for he had been waiting for an opportunity to seduce her from the day he first saw her. So Holofernes said to her, ‘Have a drink and be merry with us!’

…. Holofernes was greatly pleased with her, and drank a great quantity of wine, much more than he had ever drunk in one day since he was born.

 

Joan [Jehanne], as we read, was regarded by the enemy, the English, as a “prostitute”.

 

And Holofernes likewise presumed Judith [Jehudith], in a camp full of men, to be fair game, saying to his chief eunuch, Bagoas (Judith 12:12): “… it would be a disgrace if we let such a woman go without having intercourse with her. If we do not seduce her, she will laugh at us’. This Bagoas had summoned Judith to the tent of his master, Holofernes, with the words (12:13): ‘Let this pretty girl not hesitate to come to my lord to be honoured in his presence …’ .

 

Similarly had Jean de Metz first addressed Joan (Spoto, p. 37), “M’amie [“Sweetheart” or “Honey”] …”.

 

Whilst Joan will eventually attend the coronation of Charles (New Advent): “… on Sunday, 17 July, 1429, Charles VII was solemnly crowned, the Maid standing by with her standard, for — as she explained — “as it had shared in the toil, it was just that it should share in the victory”,” Judith will not have to suffer the humiliating indignity of attending a victorious Holofernes’ being crowned in Jerusalem.

 



[1] H. Tadmor, ‘The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assur’, p. 97.

[2] ‘The Foundations of the Assyro-Babylonian Chronology’, p. 21.

Sunday, May 10, 2026

Advantages if Hezekiah’s son Manasseh is identified with Josiah’s son Jehoiakim

 



by

 Damien F. Mackey

 

 It explains the complete absence of the name “Jehoiakim”

in Matthew 1’s Genealogy of Jesus the Messiah.

“Manasseh”, on the other hand, appears there in 1:10.

  

These are my most recent articles in favour of what I now consider to be a:

 

Necessary fusion of Hezekiah and Josiah

 

(7) Necessary fusion of Hezekiah and Josiah

 

Striking a match for Shebna (Sobna) in Hezekiah-Josiah parallel universe

 

(7) Striking a match for Shebna (Sobna) in Hezekiah-Josiah parallel universe

 

One important corollary of this parallelism is that Hezekiah’s idolatrous son, Manasseh, now becomes Josiah’s idolatrous son, Jehoiakim:

 

Manasseh – Jehoiakim

 

(8) Manasseh - Jehoiakim

 

The following two texts, I submit, are describing the very same incident.

 

Manasseh

2 Chronicles 33:11: “Yahweh then brought down on them the generals of the king of Assyria's army who captured Manasseh with hooks, put him in chains and took him to Babylon”.

 

Jehoiakim

2 Chronicles 36-5-6: “Jehoiakim … did what is displeasing to Yahweh his God. Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon attacked him, loaded him with chains and took him to Babylon”.

 

Note the common points: Yahweh; attack by a mighty foe; king of Judah defeated; that king loaded with chains; and taken off to Babylon.

 

Now, in my article:

De-coding Jonah

 

(6) De-coding Jonah | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu

 

I had identified Esarhaddon-Ashurbanipal as Nebuchednezzar.

 

The note in The Jerusalem Bible (33 b, 2 Chr 34) follows the conventional view that Esarhaddon, Ashurbanipal, were separate kings: “Manasseh of Judah was a vassal of Esarhaddon (680-669) and of Assurbanipal (668-633)”.

 

Esarhaddon-Ashurbanipal was just the one king, who only once captured Manasseh of Judah.

 

A few advantages of Manasseh = Jehoiakim

 

Some immediate advantages of this equation are that:

 

-         It explains the complete absence of the name “Jehoiakim” in Matthew 1’s Genealogy of Jesus the Messiah. “Manasseh”, on the other hand, appears there in 1:10;

-         It explains why the prophet Jeremiah would attribute the Babylonian captivity to the supposedly long dead “Manasseh”, when Jeremiah’s wicked contemporary was Jehoiakim (Jeremiah 15:4): “And I will cause them to be removed into all kingdoms of the earth, because of Manasseh the son of Hezekiah king of Judah, for that which he did in Jerusalem”;

-         It may supply that supposedly missing biblical evidence for the martyrdom of the prophet Isaiah, traditionally at the hands of King Manasseh.

 

See my explanation of this in e.g. my article:

 

God can raise up prophets at will - even from a shepherd of Simeon

 

(14) God can raise up prophets at will - even from a shepherd of Simeon